Once Aryan Skynet Goes Live It Doesn't Matter Who Pulled The Switch
Many identitarians are aware of the origins of the infamous “six million” figure in Jewish mysticism; but what is the literary provenance of the alleged Nazi homicidal gas chambers? Andy Ritchie, in an informative article published this year by Inconvenient History, casts some much needed light on this issue of continuing relevance for the reputations of Germans generally and European nationalists everywhere:
For more than thirty years, historians have been aware of once-secret memoranda by senior British intelligence ofﬁcial Victor Cavendish-Bentinck in which he casts doubt on the alleged use of homicidal gas chambers by National Socialist Germany. Writing to Whitehall colleagues at the end of August 1943, Cavendish-Bentinck used dismissive language which today in most European countries would undoubtedly see him prosecuted for “Holocaust denial”.
During the trial of British historian David Irving’s libel action against Deborah Lipstadt in 2000 (now dramatized in the Hollywood ﬁlm Denial) some of Cavendish-Bentinck’s remarks were raised by Irving as justiﬁcation of his claim that the gas chamber story originated as a propaganda lie.
During the war years, Cavendish-Bentinck headed Britain’s Joint Intelligence Committee, which “had evolved shortly before the war and stood between the political and military ‘consumers’ of intelligence, and the organizations responsible for obtaining it, including MI6, MI5 and GC&CS (known today as GCHQ)” and was known as the “final arbiter of intelligence”.
In August of 1943, when Poland’s government-in-exile lobbied the British to issue a public condemnation of German atrocities in Poland, both Cavendish-Bentinck and his assistant Roger Allen were skeptical of the specific crimes alleged by the Poles to have been perpetrated against them. Allen was “unhappy about the statement, to be issued on the authority of His Majesty’s Government, that Poles ‘are now being systematically put to death in gas chambers’” or, as Polish telegrams termed the facilities, “gas cells”. Allen also had this to say:
It is true that there have been references to the use of gas chambers in other reports; but these references have usually, if not always, been equally vague, and since they have concerned the extermination of Jews, have usually emanated from Jewish sources.
Personally, I have never really understood the advantage of the gas chamber over the simpler machine gun, or the equally simple starvation method. These stories may or may not be true, but in any event I submit we are putting out a statement on evidence which is far from conclusive, and which we have no means of assessing.
Cavendish-Bentinck was quick to concur:
In my opinion it is incorrect to describe Polish information regarding German atrocities as “trustworthy”. The Poles, and to a far greater extent the Jews, tend to exaggerate German atrocities in order to stoke us up. They seem to have succeeded.
Mr Allen and myself have both followed German atrocities quite closely. I do not believe that there is any evidence which would be accepted in a Law Court that Polish children have been killed on the spot by Germans when their parents were being deported to work in Germany, nor that Polish children have been sold to German settlers. As regards putting Poles to death in gas chambers, I do not believe that there is any evidence that this has been done. There have been many stories to this effect, and we have played them up in PWE [i.e., Political Warfare Executive] rumours without believing that they had any foundation. At any rate there is far less evidence than exists for the mass murder of Polish ofﬁcers by the Russians at Katyn. […]
I think that we weaken our case against the Germans by publicly giving credence to atrocity stories for which we have no evidence. These mass executions in gas chambers remind me of the stories of employment of human corpses during the last war for the manufacture of fat, which was a grotesque lie and led to the true stories of German atrocities being brushed aside as being mere propaganda.
Cavendish-Bentinck and Allen had found themselves on the receiving end of what amounted to disinformation blowback, with stories concocted in Britain being passed back to British intelligence agencies after having made the rounds of the international rumor mill. “Part of the problem” of ascertaining the origin of the stories “is that in the early years of the Second World War, Britain’s propaganda machinery was a tangle of bureaucratic and factional inﬁghting,” Ritchie explains:
A year before the outbreak of war, an ofﬁcial Department of Propaganda in Enemy Countries was set up at Electra House, the London headquarters of the Cable & Wireless telegraph company. Around the same time, MI6 created Section D (based at St Ermin’s Hotel near St James’s Park) to study and prepare methods of unconventional warfare, including propaganda.
In July 1940 Section D became part of the new Special Operations Executive, which for a while took over Electra House’s operations as part of its own propaganda section known as SO1, based after November 1940 at Woburn Abbey, a country house in Bedfordshire. Continuing internal disputes led to the new Political Warfare Executive (PWE) being created in August 1941, under Foreign Ofﬁce control. While PWE handled enemy countries, propaganda at home and in Allied countries was supposedly the domain of the Ministry of Information.
The documentary record showing British propagandists’ promotion of homicidal gassing stories runs from December 1940 (under SO1) to March 1942 (under PWE). In this period the gassing stories did not relate to Jews or Poles, but Cavendish-Bentinck would have suspected that the Jewish and Polish lobbies had picked up the story and put their own spin on it […]
One of the most secret parts of SO1/PWE work involved the propagation of rumors, known as “sibs” from the Latin verb sibilare (to whisper), by an Underground Propaganda (UP) Committee. This dated back to the Electra House days in 1940 shortly before the creation of SOE, and continued through the various bureaucratic changes.
“It should be emphasised that the method of dissemination is essentially oral, and this is the most difﬁcult form of propaganda for enemy security services to deal with,” wrote David Bowes-Lyon, Chairman of the Underground Propaganda Committee.
Hatched in a propaganda factory and then released into the information wilderness as it were, the gassing stories were picked up and perpetuated by a network of Christian organizations. The initial Special Operations Executive rumor dealt with euthanasia, alleging “that the Superintendent of the Bethel Institute for Incurables had been sent to Dachau for refusing to permit the inmates to be put in lethal chambers.” The Bethel Institution for Incurables, Ritchie explains, “was a well-known Protestant charitable hospital for the mentally ill and epileptics. In fact its director – Protestant theologian Friedrich von Bodelschwingh – was not sent to Dachau or any other camp.” However:
The main purpose of this sib was to stir up hostility between the Churches and the National Socialist Government over the issue of eugenics and euthanasia. SO1’s French specialist Prof. Denis Brogan (a Cambridge political scientist) was said to have “extremely ﬁne Catholic contacts” in various countries, and “Catholic channels for rumours” were also discussed with Douglas Woodruff, the inﬂuential editor of the Catholic journal The Tablet. At this very early stage, the gassing rumor was restricted to “incurables” – it was a story about euthanasia rather than politically or racially motivated executions.
A few months later SOE reported with satisfaction that this sib had been picked up by Vatican Radio. […]
Early permutations of the gas rumor current among Swiss civilians included the tale that German hospitals, unable to cope with the volume of victims from British bombings, had started to “open the gas and kill them”. One variation on the gas horror went as follows:
Guards and superintendents of trains containing wounded German soldiers from the Eastern Front are ordered at certain places to put on their gas masks. The trains then enter a tunnel where they remain for upwards of half an hour. On leaving the tunnel all the wounded soldiers are dead. Severely wounded soldiers are disposed of in the same manner in so-called emergency hospitals, of which there are many.
The Inter-Services Security Board (through which PWE and others cleared their rumors in case they inadvertently clashed with other British secret operations) had raised no objection, and added: “We recommend this rumour also as useful propaganda.”
This recommendation might have proved signiﬁcant in the longer term. The difference between a rumor/sib and propaganda is of course that the former (as with “black” propaganda) was intended to be untraceable to British sources.
During 1941 SOE “disseminated a rumour that the Germans had ordered 500 mobile crematorium units from the Ford works in Cologne and Antwerp to be ready by the Spring”. This sib came back in the form of a story circulating in France that “the German army has crematory ovens installed in lorries and cremate all their own dead. […] This enables the Germans to ﬁx a ﬁgure for their losses at whatever they please, and leave no evidence to controvert them.” Later an intercepted Swiss letter showed a variant of this rumor, that the Germans “burn their dead in travelling crematoria and keep their losses carefully concealed until the campaign is ended.
It is easy to speculate that the mobile crematoria might have metamorphosed in Jewish renditions of the rumors into the “gas vans” still accepted as historical fact today. The grand irony of it all is that the original fodder for the gas cells and the crematoria was supposed to have been the Germans themselves. One only laments that a more colorful British rumor insinuating cannibalism – that “Germans are rounding up healthy Russian prisoners and transferring them in batches of a thousand at a time to a prison camp near Kiev” and that “cans of something called ‘Russian beef’ are already being exported from a factory near Kiev to the most hard hit parts in the Ruhr” – did not find its way into the popular imagination via Hollywood. If only the Brits had said it was “Jewish beef”, it probably would have.