Once Aryan Skynet Goes Live It Doesn't Matter Who Pulled The Switch
A growing minority of young and educated people living in the European diaspora views one or another form of socialism favorably as an alternative to the dystopian hybrid form of capitalism prevailing at present. Nationally oriented socialist models, in particular, appear to be increasingly attractive – particularly to the adherents of the Alt-Right and Alt-Left. National Socialism as implemented in Hitler’s Germany is the most famous example, of course; but other countries, as with the Bolivarian revolutions recently gone into eclipse in Latin America, have also undertaken reforms designed to redistribute national resource wealth for the benefit of the citizenry.
Colonel Muammar Gaddafi, taking his cue from Arab nationalist titan Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt, was similarly inspired to revolutionize the Libyan economy for its people. Building on the modernizations begun by Italian colonizers and British administrators, Gaddafi was remarkably successful in raising his country’s rate of literacy and general standard of living, with socialized health care, education, and utilities far removed from anything experienced by the Bedouin as they existed mere decades previously. Just how far is indicated by the backward state of the country well into the twentieth century:
With eighty percent of the population either nomadic or seminomadic, and only six percent of the total population able to read or write, Libya was a country almost totally bereft of skills. Commentators disagreed on one statistic; some said two Libyans had been to college; others thought the figure should have been four. Whoever was right, Libya was a land forced to rely upon others to run its most basic services. Even justice was dispensed by foreigners. Long after independence, the Libyan Supreme Court comprised two Egyptians, one Briton, and one American.1
Libya’s short-lived Sanusi monarchy, furthermore, was dependent upon the presence of British and American military bases and little interested in fostering the ostensibly independent Libyan people’s autonomy – not that autonomy would have been possible given the country’s rudimentary educational infrastructure:
At its apex sat the King, who held power through the gift of foreign governments. Beneath him were ministers, appointed on the basis of family relationship or tribal affiliation, presiding over ministries staffed by foreigners because there were not enough educated Libyans to operate telephones, man desks, or keep the cashbooks. The schools were largely run by Egyptians, teaching Egyptian history from Egyptian textbooks. The army, navy, and air force – all piddling little outfits presenting no real threat to anyone – wore British uniforms, carried British weapons, and were led by British officers. Farms and businesses were still run by the Italian settlers.
Wherever one looked, the future seemed bleak.2
The country’s advances under Gaddafi, who took power in a 1969 coup, were nothing short of astounding. If the Libyan example illustrates anything, however, it is that not all socialist nationalisms are created equal, and that the indigenous human resources of a country are crucial. The Jamahiriya’s policy of border enforcement was less than stringent, and as Patrick Cockburn noted in 2011, “Racism against black Africans and Libyans with dark skin has long simmered in Libya. Before the war there were estimated to be a million illegal immigrants in the country, which has a population of six million and a workforce of 1.7 million.”3 In addition to the inherent limitations of Arabs, then, the country also had to cope with swelling numbers of sub-Saharans, toward whom Gaddafi – a man of Pan-Arabist sympathies who was also, however, something of a Pan-Africanist – was famously indulgent. The average Libyan IQ as estimated by Lynn and Vanhanen is 84 – putting the country behind such bastions of brain power as Mexico, Bolivia, Tonga, Cuba, Uzbekistan, and the Philippines4. Given such unenviable genetic infrastructure, it is unlikely that Libya’s rapid progress could have been made without the wealth of the country’s energy resources – nor did the Libyans ever manage to remedy their dependence upon imported intellect.
British writer and politician George Tremlett, who visited Libya and wrote a reasonably sympathetic 1993 book about the country’s national life under Colonel Gaddafi, can hardly be dismissed as a western propagandist when he presents the following pitiful picture of Libyan progress at that time, quoting his conversations with foreign workers on the scene:
“The Libyans are lovely people,” I was told, “but they haven’t a clue … Without foreign workers, their whole economy would fall apart. They can’t master modern technology, which comes unnaturally to them. … They have spent hundreds of millions of dollars importing the finest industrial machinery that you will find anywhere in the world; the range of their equipment is astonishing, but a lot of it is either never used or left in packing cases because they don’t know how to handle it. … They’ve got half-a-million Egyptians in there, working for them – and another seven hundred thousand Arabs from the Sudan, who are given all the dirty, shitty jobs that the Libyans don’t want to touch. … The Libyans are wealthy, but they’re in a mess. No one has ever taught them how to dispose of rubbish, so wherever you go there’s dirt and filth and abandoned cars. … These guys are no threat to anyone, but they’re too proud to admit it. … The truth is they need our help.”5
“These were eyewitnesses talking,” Tremlett emphasizes.
People who had gone where no foreign journalist is allowed, into the oil and gas fields, and the shining new factories built by German, Japanese, and South Korean contractors to enable Libya to manufacture consumer goods. In theory, Libya should be producing its own rather than buying abroad … but, in fact, these factories are at low levels of efficiency, either because the machines are not working; have broken down and cannot be repaired, or lack trained personnel … factories where the future lies in a packing case, just as Libya’s new planes, tanks, and missiles often stand idle in storage sheds because the country cannot produce enough trained technicians to operate their electronics.
Superficially, Libya appears a highly efficient modern state; the most prosperous in Africa. The oil and gas flowing through its desert pipelines have brought the country great wealth. […]
Inside Libya, new towns, schools, and hospitals have been built for its people. Every Libyan has access to education and modern health care, as of right. Housing standards are high … and where once camels trekked for days between oases, Libyan Arab Airways shuttles its passengers by airbus between Ghat, Sebha, Houn, Kufra, and Ghedames and the main cities, Tripoli and Benghazi. Modern telecommunications systems installed by Plessey and Marconi bring together remoter areas in a way that was impossible thirty years ago.6
If the efforts of a few thousand European engineers and skilled workers could do so much to elevate the standard of living of a backward and until-recently nomadic people like the Libyans, imagine what an entire country of Europeans, relieved of its demographic burdens, could do to elevate the lives of its own.