Once Aryan Skynet Goes Live It Doesn't Matter Who Pulled The Switch
When alleged Oklahoma City bomber Timothy McVeigh had his day in court in Denver in the Spring of 1997, he was represented by Stephen Jones of the law firm Jones, Wyatt & Roberts. Jones put together a rather eccentric “defense”, claiming McVeigh was merely one man out of several “racists financed by Iraq” and “possibly Iran” – a yarn which, from the retrospective distance of the twenty-first century, can clearly be seen to bridge and meld the thematic concerns of the right-wing domestic terrorism hysteria of the Clinton years and the Zio-conservative War on Terror agenda of the age of Bush and Obama.
Where did Jones and his team encounter such preposterous disinformation? A leaked 1996 Jones, Wyatt & Roberts memorandum provides the answer. Prepared by Amber McLaughlin, the confidential communication summarizes the items discussed at a meeting between Jones, defense team researcher Roger Charles, and ABC News journalist Don Thrasher.
On August 22, 1996, at 3:20 p.m., I sat in on an office conference with Stephen Jones, Roger Charles and Don Thrasher. I became aware that this conference initially began that morning.
According to Thrasher, Oklahoma City attorney Michael Johnston sued the Bharboutis [sic] and won. During the period surrounding the Oklahoma City bombing, Israeli agents used Michael Johnston’s law office. Johnston is connected to William Northrup [sic] and Moshethal [i.e., Moshe Tal], who are both Israelis. Johnston knew them because of previous legal issues. The Bharboutis case involved an Iraqi immigrant and a cyanide plant in Florida.
Michael Johnston worked and continues to work for Senator Key. Johnston’s office address is 228 Robert S. Kerr, Suite 260, Oklahoma City, Oklahoma. He is 45 years old.
Michael Johnston prepared a report which stated that East German researchers said John Doe No. 2 was an Iraqi agent. Johnston gave this report to Don Thrasher.
Stephen said the London Times stated that Charles Key said he had an ex-FBI or ex-CIA who could not be trusted. […]
Johnston’s relationship with the Israelis was again discussed. An ATF raid was planned on the Mask in Oklahoma City at 9th and Independence. Either the raid was planned on March 13, 1995, or the meeting planning the raid occurred on this date. The report of the meeting was typed up in Moshethal’s office. An ATF agent named Guy Hammill was present at this meeting. The CIA received information that the Israelis were raising money for someone. Several meetings were held “here.” […]
Why were the two Israeli men in Oklahoma City at this time? They were preparing a report for their government.
There was some discussion about “Iraq Gate” and “Project X.” There were a series of shows, “No. 71,” on the U.S. Government’s active role with Saddam Hussein for weapons.
Michael Johnston helped against Bharbouti. Why would Michael Johnston help Senator Key? Unknown.
Moshethal was decorated by the Israeli Department in the Bharbouti case. It is believed that the Israelis are here to keep an eye on a certain Israeli faction in the United States. Moshethal is working Channel 4’s theory [of Iraqi involvement]. […]
Jana [sic] Davis at Channel 4 said there was an Israeli warning. Maybe she saw a second generation memo of the warning and these two guys got to her.
Thrasher said that he heard nothing of an Israeli warning. They came in with false identification and Michael Johnston called them on it. He went to Moshethal and got it straight.
Stephen asked: What is the strongest evidence of foreign involvement? Thrasher said, Strassmeir. Thrasher said he is/was an ATF informant for a long time. […]
If Strassmeir is an informant, then he is involved in the bombing and there was prior knowledge, says Stephen Jones.
Thrasher thinks that he will know in a few weeks whether or not Strassmeir is a government agent. We need to follow up on this. […]
There were very serious acts committed by Terry Nichols. He prepared the application on the Spotlight card [corroborating Michael Collins Piper’s anecdote about a scheme to falsely implicate the newspaper with McVeigh]; he bought a house in Herington; he wrote Tim and said, “Go for it.” Terry Nichols is the one with money and Tim was clearly destitute, living in his car. Thrasher stated that he has always been told, just like every expert investigator is told, “To follow the dollar.” Thrasher said McVeigh never had any money and that was common knowledge. […]
The presidential [i.e., Democratic] party does not want foreign involvement in the bombing because we would have to do something about it. […]
Charles questioned how the axle got two blocks away on the other side of the bomb. He does not think it is feasible that the axle could have ended up on the other side of the bomb. So far, all domestic terrorism has been a result of inside jobs, and they have all been tracked down by a truck part. Roger said that his Ford experts told him that they do not put a VIN number on the axle. Even as of today’s date, September 10, 1996, Roger is still following up on this and has repeatedly been told that a VIN number is not placed on the axle. Roger stated that we need a metallurgist to date when the number was stamped on the axle.
The Denver FBI Office went to Channel 4 employees in Oklahoma City and demanded all tapes and pictures of Brescia and Bruce Shaw. Bruce Shaw is the individual, whose wife was in the building, who stated that he saw ATF agents who told him that “none of our guys were in the building.” […]
Thrasher said that there have been a lot of people accused of adjusting records.
Here, then, is documentation that the convoluted conspiracy narrative aired by the defense team at Timothy McVeigh’s trial – held a mere four years before 9/11 and six years before the launching of Operation Iraqi Freedom – was advanced by an attorney, Michael Johnston, who shared office space with Israeli agents using false identification. The Israelis, the memorandum relates, were “preparing a report for their government”, “raising money for someone”, and intended to “keep an eye on a certain Israeli faction in the United States.” “Michael Johnston is not a bullshitter or conspiracy nut, according to Thrasher,” the memorandum also notes.
William Northrop, one of the two players named as Israeli assets “connected” to Johnston, has done intelligence work for the U.S. and Israel and was implicated in the Brokers of Death and Iran-Contra arms scandals, during which phase of his career he was described as “a high-ranking Israeli intelligence official who was known to travel on 11 different passports.” Later years found Northrop on the defensive again after his tales about his adventurous service in Vietnam were exposed as fabrications. “He’s lying. The whole thing is a lie,” charged Paul Longgrear, a veteran of one of the battles in which Northrop pretended to have participated. Notwithstanding his less-than-sterling reputation, however, Northrop was one of the worthies who “independently investigated the Oklahoma City bombing at the behest of the Oklahoma legislature and was involved with Israeli experts reviewing the bomb site.” The rubble from the blast was taken under armed Wackenhut security escort to a private landfill, where it was buried before it could be forensically scrutinized.
Moshe Tal, the other Israeli asset named in McLaughlin’s notes, has an equally lively history. An Israeli chemist and entrepreneur who settled in the United States during the Nixon years, he founded a chemical manufacturing business, TK-7, that would make headlines in 1990 as part of the Iraqgate scandal concerning U.S. transport of weapons to Saddam Hussein’s Iraq. Laurie Mylroie, in her Zionist pulp exposé Study of Revenge: The First World Trade Center Attack and Saddam Hussein’s War Against America, writes that Tal’s “company, TK-7, produced chemical mixtures that, when added to ordinary fuels, gave them an extra kick – in the same way that chemical compounds were used to give an extra punch to the basic explosive material in the World Trade Center bomb.” It was developed, furthermore, “with an eye toward military markets,” Mylroie notes.
Tal’s involvement in Iraqgate was occasioned by an ill-fated partnership with the Iraqi architect and weapons procurer Isahn Barbouti. John Connolly, in a generous article published in the September 1992 issue of Spy, gives this account of Barbouti:
Between 1987 and ’89, three companies in the United States received investments from an Iraqi architect named Isahn Barbouti. The colorful Barbouti owned an engineering company in Frankfurt that had a $552-million contract to build airfields in Iraq. He also admitted having designed Mu’ammar Qaddafi’s infamous German-built chemical-weapons plant in Rabta, Libya. According to an attorney [possibly Johnston] for one of the companies in which Barbouti invested, the architect owned $100 million worth of real estate and oil-drilling equipment in Texas and Oklahoma. He may also be dead […]
As reported on ABC’s Nightline last year, the three companies in which Barbouti invested were TK-7 of Oklahoma City, which makes a fuel additive; Pipeline Recovery Systems of Dallas, which makes an anti-corrosive chemical that preserves pipes; and Product Ingredient Technology of Boca Raton, which makes food flavorings. None of these companies was looking to do business with Iraq; Barbouti sought them out. Why was he interested? Because TK-7 had formulas that could extend the range of jet aircraft and liquid-fueled missiles such as the SCUD; because Pipeline Recovery knows how to coat pipes to make them usable in nuclear reactors and chemical-weapons plants; and because one of the by-products in making cherry flavoring is ferric ferrocyanide, a chemical that’s used to manufacture hydrogen cyanide, which can penetrate gas masks and protective clothing. […]
Barbouti was more than a passive investor, and soon he began pressuring the companies to ship not only their products but also their manufacturing technology to corporations he owned in Europe, from which, he told the businessmen, it would be sent to Libya and Iraq. In doing so, Barbouti was attempting to violate the law. […] And [Moshe Tal] the owner of TK-7 swears that Barbouti told him he was developing an atom device for Qaddafi that would be used against the U.S. in retaliation for the 1986 U.S. air strike against Libya.
Mylroie gives this rather Hollywood version of how Tal learned of the Arabs’ dastardly plans:
In September 1987, Moshe Tal had a meeting scheduled with Barbouti in Zurich, from where the two were to fly together to London. Barbouti was late. Tal called Barbouti’s London office and was told that Barbouti’s flight had been delayed and he should check his time of arrival – from Tripoli – with Libyan Airways. To Tal, an Israeli, this was a red flag.
On their flight to London, Tal plied Barbouti with liquor and learned Barbouti’s real business. Among other things, Barbouti told Tal that he was involved in the construction of a chemical weapons plant in Rabta, Libya. He also explained that he was involved in an effort to build a heavy water plant in Libya, from which nuclear material could be extracted. Colonel Qaddafi wanted to smuggle an atomic device into U.S. waters on a commercial ship and then blow up a port city, in retaliation for America’s 1986 raid on Tripoli. Of course, Qaddafi never came remotely close; he settled for bombing a U.S. airliner, Pan Am 103.
For those interested, Andrew Killgore casts doubt on alleged Libyan responsibility for the destruction of Pan Am 103 at Voltairenet. The notion that Colonel Qaddafi intended to attack the United States with a nuclear weapon is also suspect, particularly considering that such an action would have meant certain obliteration both for himself and the Libyan people. There is, however, no reason to doubt that the governments of Iraq and Libya sent agents to the United States for purposes of procuring technology – including the means of developing certain forbidden weapons systems.
The Iraqgate scandal consisted of the revelation of American facilitation of Iraqi arms acquisition. John Connolly’s 1992 Spy article continues:
Assisting Barbouti with these investments was New Orleans exporter Don Seaton, a business associate of Richard Secord, the right-wing U.S. Army general turned war profiteer who was so deeply enmeshed in the Iran-contra affair. It was Secord who connected Barbouti with [private security contractor] Wackenhut. Barbouti met with Secord in Florida on several occasions, and phone records show that several calls were placed from Barbouti’s office to Secord’s private number in McLean, Virginia; Secord has acknowledged knowing Barbouti. He is currently a partner of Washington businessman James Tully (who is the man who leaked Bill Clinton’s draft-dodge letter to ABC) and Jack Brennan, a former Marine Corps colonel and longtime aide to Richard Nixon both in the White House and in exile. Brennan has gone back to the White House, where he works as director of administrative operations in President [George H.W.] Bush’s office. […] Interestingly, Brennan and Tully had previously been involved in a $181-million business deal to supply uniforms to the Iraqi army. Oddly, they arranged to have the uniforms manufactured in Nicolae Ceasescu’s Romania. The partners in that deal were former U.S. attorney general and Watergate felon John Mitchell and Sarkis Soghanalian, a Turkish-born Lebanese citizen. Soghanalian, who has been credited with being Saddam Hussein’s leading arms procurer and with introducing the demonic [i.e., Faustian] weapons inventor Gerald Bull to the Iraqis, is currently serving a six-year sentence in federal prison in Miami for the illegal sale of 103 military helicopters to Iraq. According to former Wackenhut agent David Ramirez, the company considered Soghanalian “a very valuable client.”
Unfortunately for Barbouti, none of the companies in which he made investments was willing to ship its products or technology to his European divisions. That, however, doesn’t necessarily mean that he didn’t get some of what he wanted. In 1990, 2,000 gallons of ferrocyanide were found to be missing from the cherry-flavor factory in Boca Raton. Where it went is a mystery; Peter Kawaja, who was the head of security for all of Barbouti’s U.S. investments, told Spy, “We were never burglarized, but that stuff didn’t walk out by itself.”
What does all this have to do with Wackenhut? Lots: According to Louis Champon, the owner of Product Ingredient Technology, it was Wackenhut that guarded his Boca Raton plant, a fact confirmed by Murray Levine, a Wackenhut vice president. Champon also says, and Wackenhut also confirms, that the security for the plant consisted of one unarmed guard. While a Wackenhut spokesperson maintains that this was the only job they were doing for Barbouti, he also says that they were never paid, that Barbouti stiffed them.
This does not seem true. Spy has obtained four checks from Barbouti to Wackenhut. […] We asked Richard Kneip, Wackenhut’s senior vice president for corporate planning, to explain why a single guard was worth $66,000 a year; Kneip was at a loss to do so. He was similarly at a loss to explain a fifth check, from another Barbouti company to Wackenhut’s travel-service division in 1987, almost two years before Wackenhut has acknowledged providing security for the Boca Raton plant.
Two former CIA operatives, separately interviewed, have the explanation. Charles Hayes, who describes himself as “a CIA asset,” says Wackenhut was helping Barbouti ship chemicals to Iraq. “Supplying Iraq was originally a good idea,” he maintains. “But then it got out of hand. Wackenhut was just in it for the money.” Richard Babayan, the former CIA contract employee, confirmed Hayes’s account. He says that Wackenhut’s relationship with Barbouti existed before the Boca Raton plant opened: “Barbouti was placed in the hands of Secord by the CIA, and Secord called in Wackenhut to handle security and travel and protection for Barbouti and his export plans.” Wackenhut, Babayan says, was working for the CIA in helping Barbouti ship the chemical-and-nuclear-weapons-making equipment first to Texas, then to Chicago, and then to Baltimore to be shipped overseas. […]
Wackenhut’s connection to the CIA and to other government agencies raises several questions. First, is the CIA using Wackenhut to conduct operations that it has been forbidden to undertake? Second, is the White House or some other party in the executive branch working through Wackenhut to conduct operations that it doesn’t want Congress to know about? Third, has Wackenhut’s cozy relationship with the government given it a feeling of security – or, worse, an outright knowledge of sensitive or embarrassing information – that allows the company to believe that it can conduct itself as though it were above the law?
Elsewhere in his Wackenhut exposé, Connolly summarizes the startling scope of the private security contractor’s international operations:
It is not possible to overstate the special relationship Wackenhut enjoys with the federal government. It is close. When it comes to security matters, Wackenhut in many respects is the government. In 1991, a third of the company’s $600-million in revenues came from the federal government, and another large chunk from companies that themselves work for the government, such as Westinghouse. Wackenhut is the largest single company providing security to U.S. embassies overseas; several of the 13 embassies it guards have been important hotbeds of espionage, such as Chile, Greece and El Salvador. It also guards nearly all the most strategic government facilities in the U.S., including the Alaskan oil pipeline, the Hanford nuclear-waste facility, the Savannah River plutonium plant and the Strategic Petroleum Reserve.
Wackenhut maintains an especially close relationship with the federal government in other ways as well. While early boards of directors included such prominent personalities of the political right as Captain Eddie Rickenbacker, General Mark Clark and Ralph E. Davis, a John Birch Society leader, current and recent members of the board have included much of the country’s recent national-security directorate: former FBI director Clarence Kelley; former Defense secretary and former CIA deputy director Frank Carlucci; former Defense Intelligence Agency director General Joseph Carroll; former U.S. Secret Service director James J. Rowley; former Marine commandant P.X. Kelley; and acting chairman of President [George H.W.] Bush’s foreign-intelligence advisory board and former CIA deputy director Admiral Bobby Ray Inman. Before his appointment as Reagan’s CIA director, the late William Casey was Wackenhut’s outside legal counsel. The company has 30,000 armed employees on its payroll. […]
We have spoken to numerous experts, including current and former CIA agents and analysts, current and former agents of the Drug Enforcement Administration and current and former Wackenhut executives and employees, all of whom have said that in the mid-1970s, after the Senate Intelligence Committee’s revelations of the CIA’s covert and sometimes illegal overseas operations, the agency and Wackenhut grew very, very close. Those revelations had forced the CIA to do a housecleaning, and it became CIA policy that certain kinds of activities would no longer officially be performed. But that didn’t always mean that the need or the desire to undertake such operations disappeared. And that’s where Wackenhut came in.
Our sources confirm that Wackenhut has a long-standing relationship with the CIA, and that it has deepened over the last decade or so. Bruce Berckmans, who was assigned to the CIA station in Mexico City, left the agency in January 1975 (putatively) to become a Wackenhut international-operations vice president. Berckmans, who left Wackenhut in 1981, told Spy that he has seen a formal proposal [company founder] George Wackenhut submitted to the CIA to allow the agency to use Wackenhut offices throughout the world as fronts for CIA activities.
Moreover, according to Terrorism Industry researchers Edward Herman and Gerry O’Sullivan, the company “quickly got involved with right-wing terrorists who were themselves linked to state security agents.” Wackenhut, which has since been subsumed by G4S Secure Solutions – the multinational deep security entity that employed alleged Orlando mass-murderer Omar Mateen – is no less active during the present War on Terror phase of the prevailing dystopia; and as Wackenhut subsidiary ArmorGroup’s “Lord of the Flies” behavior and sex escapades at the American embassy in Kabul, Afghanistan, demonstrates, Mateen’s reported homosexuality would hardly be out of keeping with Wackenhut’s reputed corporate culture. More intriguing in connection with Omar Mateen’s tenure with G4S is Wackenhut’s history, as charged by O’Sullivan and Herman, of involvement with terrorism, and the testimony of Bruce Berckmans to Wackenhut’s front work for Central Intelligence. It is a record that forces the questions of whether it was the Central Intelligence Agency itself that ordered the crime scene destruction and evidence removal at the site of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building bombing and, secondly, whether this past weekend’s ostensibly “ISIS”-connected event in Orlando was just another deep state psychological warfare operation. The Pulse event, if indeed contrived to further a Zio-corporate psycho-political agenda, could hardly have been designed with more paradoxically perfect potency for consumption by the TV-titillated masses, as Paul Craig Roberts summarizes in his response to the bizarre incident:
It will be difficult, perhaps even impossible, to get any truth out of the Orlando shooting. Too many vocal and well organized interest groups have a strong stake in the government’s explanation. It comes to the aid of the anti-Muslim lobby and the Trump campaign which want Muslims kept out of the US and those here arrested and deported. It comes to the aid of the gun control lobby. It comes to the aid of the progressive-left that wants to normalize homosexual and transgendered people, thus the outpouring of sympathy for those shot in the homosexual night club. It comes to the aid of the spy industry and the police state that want no check on their activities. It comes to the aid of Washington’s murderous foreign policy – so what if we blow up Muslim children – look what they do to us when they grow up, which is what the Israelis say about the Palestinians. It comes to the aid of the neoconservatives and the military-security complex for whom wars against Muslims advance their agenda and fatten their pocketbook.
All of these interests are far more powerful than the right of peons to know the truth.
“Barbouti Acted in Accord with U.S. Policy Toward Iraq” (October 7, 1990)
“Associates Paint Conflicting Picture” (October 7, 1990)
“From Boca to Baghdad: Arms Network May Rival Iran-Contra” (May 12, 1991)
“TK-7 Corporation, Tal Technologies, and Moshe Tal, Plaintiffs-Appellants and Appellees, v. the Estate of Ihsan Barbouti, Deceased, and Haidar Barbouti, Defendants-Appellees, and Appellants” (May 7, 1993)
“Trust Chief Plays a New Card in Bricktown Dispute” (August 12, 1997)
“Lost Crusade: Businessman’s Actions Hurt the City” (May 10, 2000)
“Oklahoma Developer’s Case Covered in Book” (June 23, 2009)
“Kabul U.S. Embassy Guard: Sexual Deviancy Required for Promotion” (September 2, 2009)