Once Aryan Skynet Goes Live It Doesn't Matter Who Pulled The Switch
“The lesson you need to take from Chile,” The Right Stuff’s Tercio informs readers, “is that Chileans elected communism of their own volition but they had to literally be coerced into free market capitalism. Thanks to Pinochet’s deep institutional reforms the country’s free market system was able to survive […]”
Glenn Beck himself could hardly have put it better; but is this all that needs to be said on the score of the “Chilean 9/11”?
Pontificating at Human Events, Humberto Fontova makes the expected rightist case that Chile “was looking up the locked and loaded muzzle of a Stalinist takeover” that would have succeeded if not for the intervention of General Augusto Pinochet:
Upon Stalin’s death in 1953, Chilean Communists held a “Homage to Stalin” in Santiago’s Baquedano theater. Salvador Allende could hardly contain himself: “Stalin was a banner of creativity, of humanism and an edifying picture of peace and heroism!” he gushed while choking back the tears. “Everything he did, he did in service of the people. Our father Stalin has died but in remembering his example our affection for him will cause our arms to grow strong towards building a grand tomorrow — to insure a future in memory of his grand example!”
After assuming power in 1970 (with roughly the same percentage of votes as Hitler garnered in Germany in 1933) Allende’s regime’s true colors were not long in manifesting. In January 1971 Allende’s minister Carlos Altamirano boasted that: “We’re following the example of the Cuban Revolution and counting on the support of her militant internationalism … represented by Fidel Castro and Che Guevara. Armed conflict in continental terms remains as relevant today as ever!”
“Hear me loud and clear!” Salvador Allende himself boasted the following month. “We will employ revolutionary violence!”
This was more than an idle boast by Allende. Among the myriad unreported (by the mainstream media) aspects of the Chilean coup were the dozens of “Guerrilla” schools being set up throughout Chile by Soviet bloc agents shortly before that coup. Marxist death squads were also roaming Chile, murdering “bourgeois elements” with impunity or with the tacit support of the regime. When Salvador Allende visited Moscow in December 1972 among his longest meetings were with Boris Ponomariev, the Kremlin’s head of “irregular warfare” for the Western Hemisphere.
By 1973, 60% of Chile’s arable land had been confiscated by the government, often with the aid of these death squads. Rolando Matus and Jacinto Huilipan were among the many farmers who protested Allende’s “Agrarian Reform” and would up kidnapped and murdered.
Notwithstanding Fontova’s vilification of Dr. Allende as a fanatical Marxist, sociologist Marcela Cristi writes that the Catholic Church, despite its distrust of the socialist administration, enjoyed “apparently congenial relations with the Allende government”. Priests were hardly dangling from lampposts, in other words. The words “eclectic”, “nonconformist”, and “heretical” have been used to describe the leader’s political philosophy. “Despite his Marxist credentials,” [name redacted] explains at [site redacted], “Allende was quintessentially a Chilean nationalist who committed his life’s work to the betterment of his fellow countrymen and countrywomen, and to freedom from economic dependence or servitude to any outside power.”
[name redacted] continues:
Criticizing the wildly excessive profits enjoyed by US corporations from copper, Chile’s most lucrative resource, Allende argued that: “Those same enterprises exploited Chile’s copper for many years, in the last 42 years alone taking out more than four thousand million dollars in profits although their initial investment was no more than thirty million dollars… Four thousand million dollars would completely transform Chile. A small part of that sum would ensure proteins for all the children of my country.” Successive US administrations had been influencing elections in Chile for years but Allende’s election to the Presidency in 1970 compelled Washington to redouble its efforts, and in the words of President Nixon “to make the [Chilean] economy scream”. The determination of the Americans to suffocate the Andean country’s left-wing government and to sow the seeds of a coup d’état could also be clearly seen in the words of the US Ambassador to Chile, Edward Korry, when he declared: “not a nut or bolt shall reach Chile under Allende. Once Allende comes to power we shall do all within our power to condemn Chile and all Chileans to utmost deprivation and poverty.”
If, as one writer has formulated, “Who it is that dislikes a man reveals much about the man himself,” then those arrayed against Dr. Allende’s government – chief among these being darling of the deep state Dr. Henry Kissinger, quick at the beck of a coterie of multinational cutthroats – mark the deposed Chilean leader as a figure who warrants more nuanced consideration.
According to Korry, who served under Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon and has been forthcoming with information about the events leading up to the September 1973 coup, “US companies, from cola to copper, [were] using the CIA as an international debt collection agency and investment security force.” Greg Palast summarizes the context as revealed by Korry:
He claims the US conspiracy against Allende’s election did not begin with Nixon, but originated – and read no further if you cherish the myth of Camelot – with John Kennedy.
In 1963, Allende was heading towards victory in Chile’s presidential election. Kennedy decided his political creation, Eduardo Frei, […] could win the election by buying it. Kennedy left it to his brother, Bobby, the Attorney-General, to put the plan into action.
The Kennedys cajoled US multinationals into pouring $2 billion into Chile, a nation of only 8 million people. This was not benign investment, but what Korry calls “a mutually corrupting” web of business deals, many questionable, for which the US government would arrange guarantees and insurance.
In return, the American-based firms kicked back millions of dollars to pay for well over half of Frei’s successful election campaign. By the end of this process, Americans had gobbled up more than 85 per cent of Chile’s hard-currency earning industries.
The US government, the guarantor of these investments, committed extraordinary monetary, intelligence and political resources to protect them. Several business-friendly US government front organisations and operatives were sent into Chile – including the American Institute for Free Labor Development, infamous for sabotaging militant trade unions.
An October 1970 plot to again prevent Allende’s election “was the direct result of a plea for action a month earlier by Donald Kendall, chairman of PepsiCo, in two telephone calls to the company’s former lawyer, President Richard Nixon.” When this plan foundered, the president “faced intense pressure from his political donors in business who were panicked by Allende’s plans to nationalise their operations.” Palast continues:
In particular, the president was aware that the owner of Chile’s phone company, ITT Corporation, was illegally channelling funds into Republican Party coffers. Nixon could not ignore ITT – and ITT wanted blood. An ITT board member, ex-CIA director John McCone, pledged Kissinger $1 million in support of CIA action to prevent Allende from taking office.
Separately, Anaconda Copper and other multinationals, under the aegis of David Rockefeller’s Business Group for Latin America, offered $500,000 to buy influence with Chilean congressmen to reject confirmation of Allende’s victory. […]
Once Allende took office, Korry sought accommodation with the new government, conceding that expropriations of the telephone and copper concessions (actually begun under Frei) were necessary to disentangle Chile from seven decades of ‘incestuous and corrupting’ dependency.
US corporations didn’t see it that way. While pretending to bargain in good faith, they pushed the White House to impose a clandestine embargo on Chile’s economy. But in case all schemes failed, ITT, claims Korry, paid $500,000 to someone referred to in their intercepted cables as ‘The Fat Man’. Korry identified him as Jacobo Schaulsohn, Allende’s ally on a committee set up to compensate firms whose property had been expropriated.
It was not money well spent. In 1971, when Allende learned of the corporate machinations against his government, he refused the compensation. It was this – the Chilean leader’s failure to pay, not his perceived allegiance to the hammer and sickle – that sealed his fate.
The State Department pulled Korry out of Santiago in October 1971. On his return to the US, he advised the government’s Overseas Private Investment Corporation to deny Anaconda Copper and ITT compensation for their seized property. Korry argued that, like someone who burns down their own home, ITT could not claim against insurance for an expropriation the company had itself provoked by violating Chilean law.
Confidentially, he recommended criminal charges against ITT’s top brass, including, implicitly, chief executive Harold Geneen, for falsifying the insurance claims and lying to Congress.
Given powerful evidence against the companies, OPIC at first refused them compensation, and the Justice Department indicted two mid-level ITT operatives for perjury. But ultimately, the companies received their money and the executives went free on the grounds that they were working with the full co-operation of the CIA – and higher.
“The main objective of the US-supported military coup in Chile was ultimately to impose the neoliberal economic agenda,” writes Professor Michel Chossudovsky, who was teaching economics at the Catholic University of Chile at the time.
Sweeping macro-economic reforms (including privatization, price liberalization and the freeze of wages) were implemented in early October 1973.
Barely a few weeks after the military takeover, the military Junta headed by General Augusto Pinochet ordered a hike in the price of bread from 11 to 40 escudos, a hefty overnight increase of 264%. This “economic shock treatment” had been designed by a group of economists called the “Chicago Boys.”
While food prices had skyrocketed, wages had been frozen to ensure “economic stability and stave off inflationary pressures.” From one day to the next, an entire country had been precipitated into abysmal poverty […]
I left Chile for Peru in December. […]
Needless to say, the events of September 11 1973 also marked me profoundly in my work as an economist. Through the tampering of prices, wages and interest rates, people’s lives had been destroyed; an entire national economy had been destabilized. Macro-economic reform was neither “neutral” – as claimed by the academic mainstream – nor separate from the broader process of social and political transformation.
I also started to understand the role of military-intelligence operations in support of what is usually described as a process of “economic restructuring”. In my earlier writings on the Chilean military Junta, I looked upon the so-called “free market” reform as a well-organized instrument of “economic repression.”
Two years later, I returned to Latin America as a visiting professor at the National University of Cordoba in the northern industrial heartland of Argentina. My stay coincided with the 1976 military coup d’État. […] The military takeover in Argentina was “a carbon copy” of the CIA-led coup in Chile. And behind the massacres and human rights violations, “free market” reforms had also been prescribed, this time under the supervision of Argentina’s New York creditors.
The legend of Salvador Allende the saintly martyr for progressivist idealism took a hit, however, when scientist Victor Farias made some surprising discoveries in the future Chilean leader’s 1933 dissertation and published his findings in a book titled Salvador Allende: Antisemitismo y Eutanasia. Here is Der Spiegel’s account of the controversy:
The medical department’s library at the university in Santiago de Chile is a spooky place. Located behind the reading room, a tiny elevator leads through several deserted floors. Tucked between shelves – packed with yellowed anatomy booklets and an x-ray machine that looks like it could be from the Stone Age – is a glass cabinet holding bottles of liquid. But of what sort? Impossible to say.
Next to this poison cabinet, there’s a door, secured with a padlock. Stored there is a yellowed and tattered book collection, which contains the 1933 dissertation of the medical doctor and future president of Chile Salvador Allende Gossens. The work is “public and open to everyone.”
But apparently the scientist Victor Farias, 65, was the first person ever to closely read the dissertation. In his newly published book, Farias claims that Allende, known as an icon of the left in South America and Europe, was actually quite different than the legend. The proof, Farias writes, is all right here, in Allende’s own dissertation. The scientist says the dissertation exposes Allende as a racist and anti-Semite, and as a proponent of eugenics and forced sterilizations.
By raising these accusations, the philosopher – who’s been teaching at the Latin America Institute at Berlin’s Free University since 1974 – has caused quite a stir. […]
Farias takes things a step further: The dissertation, he writes, wasn’t merely a temporary phase for Allende. Instead, Farias accuses Allende of remaining loyal to racism and anti-Semitism for years – at least until the days of the Popular Front government under President Pedro Aguirre Cerda (1939 to 1942). Allende served as health minister in that administration and promoted a law on the forced sterilization of the mentally ill. The law was never passed. […]
The intellectual with the soft eyes, the man who killed himself during the bombing of the government palace during the overthrow – was he really a closet Nazi?
In many ways, the young Dr. Allende was, indeed, in line with the Fascism-infected streams that were so prevalent during the first half of the last century. For example, he argued that mental illnesses, criminal behavior, and alcoholism were hereditary. Or further, he argued that homosexuality is an illness […]. Another example: Allende proclaimed that the hot climate prevented people in southern regions from acting morally. Referring to other studies, Allende wrote ominously about Jews in his dissertation saying, “The Hebrews are well-known committers of certain types of crimes including: fraud, deceit, defamation, but most notably usury.”
Allende, in any fair assessment, was neither the bloodthirsty Bolshevist his detractors made him out to be, nor was he any easily classified political type. Like the most intriguing figures on the world stage – as, one might contend, any necessary political figure or unifying and truly revolutionary movement must – Allende represented a third position.
Index to Aryan Skynet’s Latin American series: