Once Aryan Skynet Goes Live It Doesn't Matter Who Pulled The Switch
Skynet recently cast its spotlight on the inconvenient history of Israeli arms trading and other, related commercial involvements that sometimes fly in the face of official U.S. foreign policy. In addition to the Israeli weapons sales and death squad training furnished to Colombian drug kingpins in the 1980s, involvements in El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Guatemala during the Carter and Reagan administrations provide other useful examples of this disturbing tendency. The website Third World Traveler gives this account:
From its earliest attempts to establish itself as an arms exporter, Israel had enjoyed the patronage of the military of El Salvador, which ruled that small, densely-populated country on the Pacific side of the Central American isthmus on behalf of a powerful plantation oligarchy.
In 1973 Israel took orders from El Salvador for 18 Dassault Ouragan jet fighter aircraft. Israel had obtained these planes from France for its own use. Refurbished and delivered to El Salvador in 1975, they were the first jet fighters in Central America, representing a significant jump in the level of military sophistication in a region where war had flared between Honduras and El Salvador in 1969.
Other aircraft ordered from Israel by El Salvador in 1973 included six French-made Fouga Magister trainers and 25 Arava short-take-off-and-landing aircraft. The Arava is produced by Israeli Aircraft Industries (IAI) and is advertised for a variety of uses from hauling cargo, to medical evacuation, to transporting troops in counterinsurgency warfare. The Salvadorans also bought a quantity of small arms, ammunition and rocket launchers.
Military links with El Salvador actually began around 1972, when the Israeli Defense Ministry carried out a youth movement development program there. Alongside their arms sales, the Israelis also sent advisers to El Salvador. Former Salvadoran Army Col. and Undersecretary of the Interior Rene Francisco Guerra y Guerra recalled that during the 1970s ANSESAL, the Salvadoran secret police, had security advisers from Israel. According to Guerra, as a low-ranking ANSESAL officer, Roberto D’Aubuisson, who would later rise to prominence as leader of a far-right faction linked to death squads, was a student of the Israeli instructors.
At least one Salvadoran officer, Col. Sigifredo Ochoa was taught by Israeli trainers in El Salvador and also went to Israel for training in the mid- 1970s. Ochoa, who was credited with a massacre of civilians in 1981, made no secret of his preference for his Israeli mentors over the U.S. advisers who came to El Salvador after 1981. The Americans, he noted scornfully, “lost the war in Vietnam.” During the Israeli siege of Beirut in 1982, Ochoa proffered an “Israeli solution” for Central America: a combined assault by El Salvador, Honduras, Guatemala and the anti-Nicaragua contras against Nicaragua.
When the Carter Administration took office in 1977 it wasted little time putting into practice a principle enunciated during the presidential campaign and by Congress in 1976: U.S. aid would be cut off to recipients who were gross and persistent abusers of human rights. The idea was to encourage dictatorial regimes to modify their behavior and reinstate themselves in Washington’s good graces.
It was a fairly reasonable assumption; after all, many of these tyrants had been through U.S. military programs and had adopted the anticommunist line that a succession of U.S. governments had encouraged. Washington had sired both the Nicaraguan and Guatemalan regimes, and was not without profound influence in El Salvador.
In the 1960s, the U.S. had presided over the foundation of CONDECA, a regional military council intended “to coordinate and centralize military command of the region under U.S. military supervision.” In El Salvador, the Kennedy Administration set in motion a series of meetings among Central American leaders that led to the establishment of the feared ANSESAL secret police and its “parallel domestic security agencies in Guatemala, Nicaragua, Panama, Honduras, and Costa Rica.” Years later the CIA connections of ANSESAL would come to light in close connection with the death squads which have terrorized El Salvador since the 1970s. Also in the 1960s AIFLD, (the American Institute for Free Labor Development, the AFL-CIO’s foreign operation dedicated to foiling the formation of left wing unions) tried to organize a “tame” network of rural cooperatives in El Salvador. According to one report the project was budgeted at $1.6 million and had the assistance of the Israeli Histadrut labor federation.
Even the prideful way that El Salvador and Guatemala responded when their aid was terminated – both preempted the U.S. move by cutting military ties with the U.S. – might have been expected to blow over. That was without reckoning on Israel, which was quick to fill the gap. Indeed, one analyst believes the “surprisingly defiant position” of the Central American clients was based on their advance knowledge that they could maintain their military capacity by dealing with Israel.
El Salvador simply began to buy its weapons from Israel. Between the 1977 U.S. cutoff and the resumption of U.S. aid in 1981, El Salvador obtained over 80 percent of its weapons from Israel. The balance came from France and Brazil. The earlier aircraft orders still in the pipeline were delivered and small arms and ammunition from Israel undercut the intent of the Carter policy. By 1979 came the first report that Israeli advisers had been giving the Salvadoran military counterinsurgency training both in Israel and El Salvador.
During this period as well, Israeli technicians began installing a computer system able to monitor utilities usage, thus giving the military the ability to pinpoint houses where the telephone is heavily used, presumably signifying that political organizing is going on.
Bernd Debusmann, reporting for Reuters in 1984, corroborates and deepens this understanding of Israeli arms dealings in Central America:
El Salvador’s controversial decision to move its embassy in Israel to Jerusalem spotlights Israeli involvement in Central America that ranges from the supply of warplanes to assistance in military intelligence.
Over the past decade, Israel has delivered weapons, military expertise, and high technology to El Salvador, Honduras, Guatemala, and Nicaragua when it was ruled by Right-wing dictator Anastasio Somoza. […]
El Salvador moved its embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem on April 14, becoming the second country after Costa Rica to open an embassy there. […]
But the controversy focused fresh attention on Israel’s role in Central America, where liberal opposition figures and diplomats say the Jewish state could serve as a proxy for the US [deep state] if Congress denies [Reagan] Administration requests for ever-increasing military aid to Right-wing governments.
There have been precedents for Israel replacing the US as a supplier of arms to Right-wing regimes in Central America.
In Nicaragua, government officials said Israel shipped ammunition and assault rifles to the Somoza dictatorship after Washington announced a halt to deliveries to prevent prolonging the civil war. […]
In Guatemala, Israel stepped in after the Carter Administration imposed an arms embargo in 1977 because of what it termed systematic and widespread human rights abuses by the military government of the day.
“The Israelis do not let this human rights thing stand in the way of business,” a prominent Right-wing Guatemalan politician said in a recent interview. “You pay, they deliver. No questions asked, unlike the Gringos (Americans).”
Apart from supplying more than 15,000 Galil assault rifles to equip the entire Guatemalan Army, Israel provided 11 Arava short take-off and landing aircraft, at least 10 armoured cars, and a sophisticated computer used in the government’s war against Left-wing guerrillas and suspected “subversives.”
Guatemalan guerrilla groups say the computer, still run with the help of Israeli experts, has been fed with the names, addresses and other details of tens of thousands of Guatemalans suspected of sympathizing with the Left. […]
“The computer is an instrument of repression, and it has been used to supply lists of names to members of Right-wing death squads,” a Guatemalan guerrilla official said. […]
At least in Guatemala, Israel has achieved what cynical arms merchants describe as a gauge of successful market penetration: the two sides in Guatemala’s civil war often kill each other with weapons from the same supplier.
The army uses rifles and ammunition made in Israel. So did the guerrillas, using equipment captured from the army.
The Zionist state, however, is by no means above deliberately arming both sides in a conflict. Debusmann notes that, two years after providing El Salvador with its game-changing 18 Dassault Ouragans, the Israelis also supplied 12 reconditioned Super Mysteres to Honduras, El Salvador’s traditional rival in the region, in a transaction that “turned the Honduran Air Force into the most powerful in Central America.”