Once Aryan Skynet Goes Live It Doesn't Matter Who Pulled The Switch
“Rand Paul Demands Laws Against Murder and Rape be Repealed,” proclaimed Steve Sailer after the senator from Kentucky envisioned in a speech “an America where criminal justice is applied equally and any law that disproportionately incarcerates people of color is repealed.” So universally compelling is Paul’s fiery brand of compassionate anarcho-conservatism, in fact, that even celebrated leftist Michael Moore has been persuaded to throw his considerable weight behind it.
Here's my demand: I want every African-American currently incarcerated for drug "crimes" or nonviolent offenses released from prison today.
— Michael Moore (@MMFlint) April 30, 2015
“The [drug] laws have been used against them [blacks and Latinos],” thundered libertarian neo-Nazi candidate Ron Paul during his 1988 presidential Grand Wizard campaign. “The reaction of the American government, and its people, to drug use was – and still is – a complex mix of factors, involving lobbying by the medical community, pharmaceutical companies, the alcohol industry, temperance advocates, and religious movements,” Ryan Grim corroborates at The Huffington Post. “Historically, the argument has played out – and continues to play out – amid a backdrop of racism and class antagonism.”
Overheard somebody blame RONALD REAGAN of all people for Baltimore riots today. Talk about kickin' the can old-school. #BaltimoreRiots
— R. Chlodwig von Kook (@icareviews) April 28, 2015
As every vigilant social justice warrior already knows, the American criminal “justice” system and militarized “police state” exist only to persecute and imprison blacks, depriving them of their liberty, dignity, and franchise. Among the tearjerker statistics shucked by the NAACP are the following:
From 1980 to 2008, the number of people incarcerated in America quadrupled-from roughly 500,000 to 2.3 million people
Today, the US is 5% of the World population and has 25% of world prisoners.
Combining the number of people in prison and jail with those under parole or probation supervision, 1 in every 31 adults, or 3.2 percent of the population is under some form of correctional control
African Americans now constitute nearly 1 million of the total 2.3 million incarcerated population
African Americans are incarcerated at nearly six times the rate of whites
Together, African American and Hispanics comprised 58% of all prisoners in 2008, even though African Americans and Hispanics make up approximately one quarter of the US population
According to Unlocking America, if African American and Hispanics were incarcerated at the same rates of whites, today’s prison and jail populations would decline by approximately 50%
One in six black men had been incarcerated as of 2001. If current trends continue, one in three black males born today can expect to spend time in prison during his lifetime
And the rest who r imprisoned- I dont believe 50% of them did what they're accused of. Lies. Greed. A modern day slave system. Poor whites 2
— Michael Moore (@MMFlint) April 30, 2015
Different studies have come to different conclusions about whether or not higher levels of incarceration and longer prison sentences result in lower rates of crime; but it only requires the most basic application of logic to understand that the more high-crime-propensity congoids that are in penitentiaries, the fewer of them will be on the street to commit their crimes and multiply. The UK’s Guardian reports:
Tougher prison sentences reduce crime, particularly burglary, according to ground-breaking [but utterly unsurprising] research [for “right-of-centre” think tank Civitas].
The study, by academics at Birmingham University, also found that during periods when police detect more offences, crime tends to fall overall, suggesting that levels of police activity – and therefore of staffing – have a direct impact on criminal activity.
As each prior one disintegrates under scrutiny, we have to find more and more esoteric excuses for black dysfunction. pic.twitter.com/6mjI1EVyGc
— John Glanton (@ThenTheJudgment) April 30, 2015
“You know, we hear so much about ‘the police state’,” confides American Free Press contributor Victor Thorn, author of America’s Racial Powder Keg.
Well, I’ve reached the conclusion that the police state is necessary where the police state exists. In other words, if we don’t have a police state around the projects, in the ghettos, and so forth, that is the only barrier between them and people living outside of those areas. [. . .] I want the police state to exist where it is because [. . .] this is the barricade between white America and these people that act like Michael Brown [. . .]
Next demand: Disarm the police. We have a 1/4 billion 2nd amendment guns in our homes 4 protection. We'll survive til the right cops r hired
— Michael Moore (@MMFlint) April 30, 2015
“There is no school to prison pipeline” in Baltimore, America’s most dangerous school system, writes Stuff Black People Don’t Like’s Paul Kersey; “just black individuals being punished for breaking rules protecting both their classmates and ensuring the safety of their teachers at a collective rate far, far beyond that of all other racial groups.” Kersey nonetheless suggests that, “In many cases, the public schools in Baltimore are little more than prisons, with students forced to walk through metal detectors (some might be handheld by police officers), drug sniffing dogs, and full-time police presence” necessitated by the city’s 83% black student population.
Vice reporter Ray Downs reveals, furthermore, that America’s always needy public miseducation establishment has a very real financial interest in churning non-functional citizens out of its mock-noble institutions of knowledge-empowerment:
According to NASDAQ data, the retirement funds for public employees and teachers in New York and California together have about $60 million ($30 million each) invested in [private prison contractors] CCA and GEO. Teacher retirement funds in Texas and Kentucky have $8.3 million and $4 million invested in prisons respectively, and public employees in Florida ($10.3 million), Ohio ($8.6 million), Texas ($5.6 million), Arizona ($5.3 million), and Colorado ($2.25 million) are also connected to the industry. Except for New York, which has only one privately run detention facility, each of these states has several prisons run by CCA and GEO Group facilities.
Even liberal whites ought to appreciate the benefits they derive from disproportionate black imprisonment. As Sailer points out, “progressive” states like Vermont and New Jersey demonstrate much starker racial inequality in sentencing behavior than such bastions of fascism as Arizona and Idaho. Progressives, in particular, should be grateful for racial disparities in policing and incarceration in view of the reality that liberal states with coddling welfare apparatuses, as John Rivers puts it, “self-select for the worst blacks.”
@Steve_Sailer Liberal states w/ generous welfare self-select for the worst blacks. Hawaii self-selects for quality blacks (ie military).
— John Rivers (@JohnRiversToo) May 1, 2015
“The prison boom in the United States is a recent phenomenon,” Eric Schlosser alerted the readers of The Atlantic in 1998.
Throughout the first three quarters of this century the nation’s incarceration rate remained relatively stable, at about 110 prison inmates for every 100,000 people. In the mid-1970s the rate began to climb, doubling in the 1980s and then again in the 1990s. The rate is now 445 per 100,000; among adult men it is about 1,100 per 100,000. During the past two decades roughly a thousand new prisons and jails have been built in the United States. Nevertheless, America’s prisons are more overcrowded now than when the building spree began, and the inmate population continues to increase by 50,000 to 80,000 people a year.
Schlosser elaborates on the economic interests motivating the trend:
Three decades after the war on crime began, the United States has developed a prison-industrial complex — a set of bureaucratic, political, and economic interests that encourage increased spending on imprisonment, regardless of the actual need. The prison-industrial complex is not a conspiracy, guiding the nation’s criminal-justice policy behind closed doors. It is a confluence of special interests that has given prison construction in the United States a seemingly unstoppable momentum. It is composed of politicians, both liberal and conservative, who have used the fear of crime to gain votes; impoverished rural areas where prisons have become a cornerstone of economic development; private companies that regard the roughly $35 billion spent each year on corrections not as a burden on American taxpayers but as a lucrative market; and government officials whose fiefdoms have expanded along with the inmate population. Since 1991 the rate of violent crime in the United States has fallen by about 20 percent, while the number of people in prison or jail has risen by 50 percent. The prison boom has its own inexorable logic. Steven R. Donziger, a young attorney who headed the National Criminal Justice Commission in 1996, explains the thinking: “If crime is going up, then we need to build more prisons; and if crime is going down, it’s because we built more prisons — and building even more prisons will therefore drive crime down even lower.”
“Among those arrested for violent crimes, the proportion who are African-American men has changed little over the past twenty years,” Schlosser adds, going on to bemoan the fact that,
Among those arrested for drug crimes, the proportion who are African-American men has tripled. Although the prevalence of illegal drug use among white men is approximately the same as that among black men, black men are five times as likely to be arrested for a drug offense. As a result, about half the inmates in the United States are African-American.
This can hardly tug the heartstrings of Americans whose employment opportunities have been vastly diminished by the decay of the country’s manufacturing sector. Peter T. Kilborn, writing in The New York Times in 2001, highlighted the economic renewal that the prison boom has brought to much of Middle America.
According to the 2000 census, prisons have been helping to revive large stretches of rural America. More than a Wal-Mart or a meat-packing plant, state, federal and private prisons, typically housing 1,000 inmates and providing 300 jobs, can put a town on solid economic footing. As communities become more and more familiar with the benefits that prisons bring, they are also becoming increasingly adept at maximizing their windfall through collecting taxes and healthy public service fees.
In the last decade, 245 prisons sprouted in 212 of the nation’s 2,290 rural counties, many in Great Plains towns of Colorado, Oklahoma and Texas that had been stripped of family farms and upended by the collapse of the 1980’s oil boom, said Calvin L. Beale, senior demographer at the Economic Research Service of the Agriculture Department.
Mr. Beale said an average of 25 new rural prisons opened each year in the 1990’s, up from 16 in the 1980’s and 4 in the 1970’s. Growth followed. In the 212 prison counties, the population rose 12 percent in the 90’s, far more than rate of 1.5 percent in the preceding decade. Three small Oklahoma cities with new prisons — Hinton, Sayre and Watonga — grew more than 40 percent.
Opening a prison is a natural option for down-and-out towns, said Thomas F. Pogue, economics professor at the University of Iowa.
”It’s a more stable industry for a town than a manufacturing plant,” Professor Pogue said. ”The wage level is a problem, but these prisons are being located where people don’t have much of a choice.”
Some critics of the prison-industrial complex argue that the system burdens taxpayers – and this is perhaps a valid criticism – but hardly an invalidation of the need for public expenditure to police and pacify unruly minority populations. Laws, furthermore, should be written to criminalize and predictively neutralize the behavior of races of higher-than-average criminal aptitudes, just as eugenic abortions among black women should be encouraged, if not actually subsidized by taxpayers, to buttress the civil order and strengthen the country’s genetic infrastructure.
The dark side of the prison-industrial complex – the side its most vocal opponents seldom or never even acknowledge – is its complicity in the anti-white, dysgenic demographic engineering agenda currently in implementation in the United States. Immigration “reform” advocates have attempted to paint the prison industry’s opposition to amnesty as a corporate campaign of totalitarian hate directed against minorities’ human rights, with major players Corrections Corporation of America, The GEO Group, and Management and Training Corp. having spent nearly $50,000,000 in lobbying over the past decade; but the fact of the matter is that, while the prison-industrial complex jockeys to save its illegal alien detention centers and might oppose aspects of immigration “reform”, it still depends for its present level of profitability on the certainty that America’s southern border will not be sealed and that foreign undesirables continue to gain access to the country, engage in criminality, and find accommodations in the comparatively comfortable detention centers and penitentiaries America offers.
Beyond the Mestizo menace, the prison-industrial system has a vested interest in the perpetuation of the dysgenic order epitomized not only by America’s dysfunctional immigration policy, but by the “Great Society” and the “War on Poverty”, as well. For decades the wealth of white productivity has been disingenuously siphoned to subsidize the bastard births of precisely the low-IQ and high-fertility blacks required to fill the facilities that enrich the private prison industry’s captains and profiteers. White communities, therefore, which hang their hats on incarceration as the growth industry that will save them are betting against their own demographic hegemony. The only way to safely curb the prison-industrial complex’s cynically profit-driven and expansive tendency would be to nationalize it while at the same time securing America’s borders and discontinuing black bastard baby sector subsidies.